The role of labor was crucial in Egyptians’ popular efforts to oust Hosni Mubarak, perhaps the bale of straw that broke the U.S.-supported dictator’s back. Naturally, organizers and activists are glowing. But will [...]]]> Our colleague Emad Mekay has a piece on Egyptian labor in today’s International Herald Tribune, the global edition of the New York Times.

The role of labor was crucial in Egyptians’ popular efforts to oust Hosni Mubarak, perhaps the bale of straw that broke the U.S.-supported dictator’s back. Naturally, organizers and activists are glowing. But will it last?

With continued military rule in Egypt, at least until elections in the fall, the recent kingbreakers find themselves at odds with the newly-elevated junta, who have asked them to calm things down.

Here’s an excerpt of Mekay’s report from Egypt’s textile hub El Mahalla, home to a long-oppressed labor movement:

[Organizer Hamdi] Hussein was all smiles as he announced that he was heading to Cairo to attend a meeting to chart out future labor demands after the stunning success of the Egyptian revolution.

“Yesterday, this meeting would have been secret and I would have been forced to sneak in and out of El Mahalla,” Mr. Hussein said during an interview.

“Now, the labor movement that helped topple Mubarak will take its rightful place in protecting the revolution.”

But will it? This newfound labor empowerment has startled the interim government, which was originally appointed by Mr. Mubarak, and challenges the efforts by the military, which is effectively in charge, to protect Egypt’s existing institutions and return the country to a more normal life.

“All ministers here are displeased with the strikes,” Magdy Radi, the cabinet’s spokesman, said by telephone. “It is hampering our work as a caretaker government. But it is an issue for the supreme council to take care of, not us.”

The military council, despite initial reports that it would move to ban strikes altogether, has so far taken a more measured approach. On Tuesday, it issued a communiqué urging Egyptians to tone down their labor protests, citing the consequences for the economy and the supply of everyday needs.

The new government and the military may have a more profound reason to be worried about a new wave of strikes, which played a critical role in bringing down the Mubarak regime.

Earlier this month, as the world was riveted by the young “Internet generation” demonstrating in huge numbers in Tahrir Square, Mr. Hussein and 20 other labor leaders were busy using their mobile phones to plan a nationwide series of strikes and sit-ins.

Right now, of course, it is Egypt’s moment. Many people’s elation over the [...]]]> I’m going abroad for a long overdue vacation soon, and my blogging might slow down for at least the next week, so I wanted to deposit some thoughts on the stories dominating the headlines right now, and some others that are not.

Right now, of course, it is Egypt’s moment. Many people’s elation over the past ten days has given way to guarded optimism that a relatively peaceful transition to a new government can be made. This will likely be a volatile, months-long process — at least — and the implications will be wide-ranging. We’ll, of course, be covering all of it, or as much of it as we can.

For good things to check out elsewhere, there are far too many places to list comprehensively. For starters, I’d point to Inter Press Service, the wire that hosts this blog. On the homepage, you’ll find articles by a host of correspondents on the ground in Egypt and all over the world, including LobeLog contributors like Emad Mekay, the IPS correspondent in Cairo who has been filing dispatches for us here (some by phone).

Listing other sources of news and analysis would take too much time, so I’ll just say you can follow us on Twitter (@LobeLog), where you can keep track of what I’m reading and, sometimes, thinking. Of course, I am still glued to Al Jazeera English. Other than that, I’ve been dashing off thoughts on Egypt and its ripples on my personal blog and occasionally on Mondoweiss.

The latter has been a damned good source of info on all things related to Egypt’s aftershocks in both the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and, perhaps more importantly to those of us who live here, the discourse in the U.S. If the U.S.’s strategic m.o. in the region is not under serious review, then, Houston, we have a problem.

Some rumblings of change have become perfectly clear from closely watching U.S. neoconservatives. The movement is split among itself, and cracks are forming between them and their usual allies in Israel’s Likud party. All about Earthquake Egypt.

But the movement remains strong and, most curiously, focused on Iran. This they still share with Israel’s Likud prime minister, Bibi Netanyahu. The general just appointed as IDF chief-of-staff has asserted Israel’s “moral right to act [against Iran]” and focused on the Iranian threat. Blogger Noam Sheizaf doesn’t know if the general falls in the attack camp or the “skeptics” camp; it’s “unclear.”

On the other hand, where neocons in the U.S. come down on Iran seems very clear. As Egypt unfolds all around them, they are out hawking “Iranium.”

Much more to come, I’m sure. And, of course, my vacation doesn’t mean that you won’t be getting Eli’s usual great reporting and analysis, as well as that of our long list of guest contributors.

There’s constant action at [...]]]> Egypt — the world, it seems — is moving so fast, it’s difficult to follow. I’ve been watching on Al Jazzera English, which has been the best news channel not on TV in the U.S. for quite some time now (especially when things get hot. Georgia/Russia, anyone? Gaza War?).

There’s constant action at #jan25 on Twitter, where I’ve been working away @LobeLog. And there’re many more amazing places to be getting reporting, information, and analysis.

Below this post is Emad Mekay’s dictated dispatch from Cairo by phone, which I worked into an IPS piece that included the big speeches from teetering (with one hand behind his back?) Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak and, after a 30 minute delay, during which the two had their own phone chat, U.S. President Barack Obama.

For a focus on how U.S. officialdom is reaction — playing catch up, basically — check out the other IPS piece I co-authored, this one with Jim Lobe. Me? I’m going to get some sleep. But expect more soon.

Slow-building [...]]]> The following is a set of edited notes from a conversation between myself and IPS’s correspondent in Egypt, Emad Mekay, who was filing dispatches for LobeLog until the Internet went down. He was on the streets of downtown Cairo today until just after the curfew, when he returned home and we chatted by phone.

Slow-building protests started out with diverse crowds, including children

From the morning on, the number of protesters was increasing by the hour. Immediately after Friday morning Prayers at Sixth of October City, a suburb of Cairo, 3,000 people were out in the streets. By afternoon prayers, the number doubled. In the crowd there were many women, some with kids in tow.

The crowd appeared to traverse social lines, from people wearing the garb of door-guards to middle-class and affluent people. Even school girls were out.

I took it as a sign that people really want change when they risk taking their children out. But when things got out of hand, a lot of people pulled their kids out of protests.

Also soon after clashes started, residents began stocking up on food, and in the main area of Cairo, shops were closing their doors. People were unable to get around in cars.

Only the protesters, the police, and the army were left on the streets.

Of course, I got hungry. I stopped at a state-run bread distribution center and I jokingly asked the woman selling bread why she wasn’t protesting. She asked how many people were out, and I said about 4,000 so far. She said she’s waiting for more people. She’s technically a government employee.

In downtown Cairo, people in their homes and apartments looking out from their balconies and windows were throwing food and water to the protesters. Protesters were even allowed to go and make landline calls and go back down to the streets (mobile service is down in many areas and for many different services). This is in downtown Cairo, some of it in affluent areas. People would just open their doors to let people in.

Protesters going after symbols of the government

Before I went to Cairo, I was near the protest from a nearby main mosque. They were marching down and singing songs like ‘down with Mubarak.’ On the way, there was a police station. Some protesters tried to get in, but didn’t initially throw stones.

These are the symbols people are focusing on now: pictures of Mubarak, police stations, and NDP offices.

I don’t think there’s sympathy for the government — though people are worried about what’s next and whether things will get out of control.

The protesters are not looking outward at all and not mentioning Israel or the U.S.

They are concerned about better lives in Egypt. There were no religious slogans except for “alluhah akbar,” which is also a general expression of celebration.

Army presence in streets, perhaps military intelligence

The branch of the Army that came to downtown Cario to protect the (state-run) TV and Radio building were from the Republican guard, which is the presidential guard.

There were reports of tanks around the U.S. and other embassies, protecting those diplomatic installations.

There were cars around the city in strategic areas with tinted windows. It’s illegal for civilians in Egypt to have tinted windows. Usually, these cars are some kind of military intelligence.

There also appeared to be a communications tower being set up downtown (for police to communicate). But this sort of activity is usually conducted by the military.

Government blames the Muslim Brotherhood

Basically, what the government was trying to do was say that it was the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) behind the unrest, but most of the leadership of the MB was arrested ahead of the protest.

Instead of having senior officials from Mubarak’s party come out and say its the Muslim Brotherhood, a parade of low-ranking governemnt officials came out and said the MB did this. They were blaming the Brotherhood for the “riots,” and for fires.

Unsubstantiated rumors flew that the government itself had set fires in order to blame the MB. People noted that it took nearly four hours for firetrucks to come and fight the fires; they guessed that the authorities could have easily called in services.

Communication breakdown

At home, people were watching satellite broadcasts like Al Jazeera, Al Arabiya, and even Al Hurra, the U.S. government-funded station, which all had good coverage.

Most forms of communicating out are down or suppressed. There is still no Internet service, and mobile phone services are still down. [Mekay was unable to dial the U.S. from his landline.]

People are complaining that landlines are often busy, too. People are phoning into Egypt in terror, trying to call their families.

The authorities cracking down and cutting all communications really infuriated everyone. It was a sign that they might be losing control.

Nervous excitement

When I came back here, there were some intellectuals who were blaming Mubarak for what’s happening.

Everybody’s nervous; you might hear it in my voice. I don’t know if it’s just excitement, but things are boiling. It’s scary in a way, too, because I personally don’t know what’s going to happen next.

There are reports on satellite television of two more protesters dead in Mansour, a city in the northeast Nile River Delta. Al Jazeera just reported that in the main city on the Suez, 11 people died today, on top of the three others that have died in recent days.

The government may react more violently.

No internet for quite some while.

The mobile phone networks are down. These are private companies; Vodaphone is British.

I didn’t imagine that [...]]]> I just spoke by landline with Emad Mekay, at home just outside Cairo. Here’s my notes from our brief conversation. I’ll update later if we’re able to get back in touch.

No internet for quite some while.

The mobile phone networks are down. These are private companies; Vodaphone is British.

I didn’t imagine that they would go that far and cut the phones.

More than 60 million Egyptians have cell phones. Imagine if people need to call an ambulance.

These are scenes Western powers would have loved to see in Iran; thousands of young people braving live bullets and marching in the tree-lined capital city boulevards and forcing an autocratic ruler out of the country. But alas for them, they are not in Tehran. They are in the North African nation [...]]]> By Emad Mekay

These are scenes Western powers would have loved to see in Iran; thousands of young people braving live bullets and marching in the tree-lined capital city boulevards and forcing an autocratic ruler out of the country. But alas for them, they are not in Tehran. They are in the North African nation of Tunisia where an uprising against not anti-Western regime, but against the Western-backed autocratic President Zine el Abidine Ben Ali forced him to flee the country.

To date, at least 100 people have been killed, hundreds injured and millions of dollars are reported in losses.

Western powers remain incredulous and France, the real power broker in the Franco North African nation, was, until an hour ago when Ben Ali fled, giving him tacit support.

The French Foreign Ministry said it “backs” the measures announced by Ben Ali as overtures to the protestors but asked for more freedoms, in effect ignoring the movement’s demand for Ben Ali to go and addressing Ben Ali as the legitimate leader.

The United States was clearly far more busy with the collapse of the government in Lebanon, a country central to U.S. main ally in the region, Israel, after the Lebanese opposition there withdrew their ministers from the coalition government.

Most of the reaction from the rest of Western powers has been that they are “concerned” about the events and that they want their citizens either pulled out or warned not to travel to Tunisia.

Ben Ali ruled the country since 1987, like many other Western-backed Arab rulers, with an iron fist that lead to massive human rights abuses, widespread corruption and lack of democracy.

So when a young a street hawker name Mohammed Bouazizi set himself on fire in mid-December to protest unemployment and corruption in the central town of Sidi Buzeid, Western capitals didn’t react. After all, Ben Ali was sure to crush the protests that followed in no time.

Looking his confident self, Ben Ali initially refused almost all of the demands of the protesters in the town and its neighboring cities. Four weeks later, the protests continued unabated to cover almost every part of Tunisia.

On Thursday night, Ben Ali stood shaken as he talked through TV cameras to his people.

Appealing for “understanding” from the people he ruled for more than 23 years and asking for a new page, he promised to end orders to shoot at demonstrators.

Nonetheless, Tunisians continued their four-week protests culminating in thousands marching early this afternoon outside the interior ministry, the symbol of decades-long brutally by Ben Ali’s security system.

“We want bread, and water and no Ben Ali,” the hand-written signs said in videos leaked online by activists during the protests.

The scenes were indeed reminiscent of Iran, where Western powers, lead by the United States have invested millions of dollars in both covert and overt operations to bring the assertive, and occasionally anti-Western, regime in Iran to its knees and encourage Iranians towards “regime change”.

Western powers vehemently cheer-lead the Green Movement against the disputed presidential elections in Iran in 2009 under the banner of promoting democracy and advocating human rights.

The aerial views in Tunisia on Friday of the capital  were indeed reminiscent of Iran but only that of 1979, when thousands of Iranians marched to topple another Western-supported dictator; the Shah of Iran and at a much faster pace. They were also identical of the 2009 Green Movement – minus the noisy Western support.

The lack of support from Western powers was not missed on Tunisians, especially Internet bloggers who had hoped someone would come to their aid.

Blogger Sami Ben Gharbia wrote: “Sidi Bouzid discredited The West. U want regime change in Iran and not in #Tunisa? Well, we will democratize to #tunisia 1st, by ourselves!”

Maybe lucky for the protests, the West cannot take credit for the revolution that forced Ben Ali out of the country and during four weeks of demonstrations won concessions from him almost on an hourly basis.

In his last moments to hang on to power, Ben Ali ordered a nighttime curfew but only to extend it to a 14-hour curfew on Friday.

This afternoon, Ben Ali dissolved the cabinet, parliament and ordered early elections in at least six months.

A couple of hours later, he imposed emergency law in the country.  But another two hours later, Arab TV stations reported him out of the country.