That’s right, the wealthy al Khalifa ruling family, backed by the U.S. and GCC countries including Saudi Arabia which sent more than 1,000 troops to quell the protests, is the real victim. Belfer believes the tens of thousands of largely Shia protestors who took to the streets to face bullets, imprisonment and death were driven there by Iranian propaganda. Never mind the fact that they live in a country marked by the destructive effects of colonialism and within a system which reportedly discriminates against them on social and economic levels.
In fact, many Bahraini citizens disagree with Belfer’s views about what spurred the protests. Writing in the Guardian under a pseudonym in March one woman explained that
What this reflects, to a large extent, is the success of the Bahraini regime’s strategy to deal with challenges to its legitimacy by promoting and reinforcing identity politics within a system of privileges where certain groups and individuals are favoured over others. In a word: discrimination.
Prominent Middle East analyst Juan Cole has also pointed out that regardless of Iran’s hopes for Bahrain (which are real and require fact-based analysis and investigation before they can be properly identified and explained)
Did Belfer not know this or did he just forget to point it out? In deciding for yourself, consider his following statement, which makes a serious accusation while offering zero evidence:
Where are these alleged Iranian military intervention plans and what exactly did they say? If Belfer has them, he should present them to Bahrain and its allies including the U.S. which stated in 2008 that there is no evidence linking Iran to the country’s protest movement. Earlier this year Defense Secretary Robert Gates was also quoted in the New York Times reiterating this:
Gates went on to say that the Iranians will try to take advantage of the unrest, another unsubstantiated claim which is far more plausible than Belfer’s points.
The absurdity of Belfer’s curious perspective does not stop there. He even claims that Bahrain has been ostracized by the international community:
Really? You mean the international community sanctioned Bahrain like it has Iran and U.S. President Obama outright refused to sell the regime arms because of its human rights record? No, but who needs facts when you have Belfer’s assumptions. And can we really expect more from someone who thinks the idea that the Arab revolutions have been led by people fighting against oppression and for democracy is
It may be that I have given too much attention to an article that at best provides circumstantial evidence for its arguments (for more debunking see here), but considering how the al Khalifa family has been spending a minimum of $40,000 a month for its image to be bettered abroad and has been somewhat successful, I couldn’t just ignore it.
There are also wider implications for the way in which Bahrain’s ruling elite has dealt with the uprising. By refusing to accept that the protests resulted from flawed domestic policies, the real issues can’t be effectively addressed and the unrest will continue. This will lead to more human rights abuses and radicalization among the protestors. By refusing to recognize the protestors’ demands as homegrown and claiming that they have been inspired by an external adversary that has mobilized disloyal citizens, Bahrain’s government will further fan the flames of sectarian divide.
Al Jazeera English was harshly criticized by Qatari ally Bahrain for the documentary below which gives you at least one reason to watch it. “Shouting in the Dark” illustrates the ruthless way in which the protests were handled while demonstrators were mostly ignored by the world and international media. It’s disturbing and thought-provoking and should make anyone who accepts Belfer’s statements think twice.
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]]>Viewed through the prism of a zero-sum conflict between a US-led alliance of Arab autocrats and Israel against an Iran-led “resistance” camp, the Arab rebellion has been nothing short of catastrophic for the anti-Iran forces. Not only has the Egyptian uprising swept away one of the key antagonists of Iran in the person of Hosni Mubarak; the fact that two Iranian warships were allowed to sail through the Suez Canal en route to Syria last week was a clear signal that the new military rulers in Cairo hope to normalise ties with the Islamic Republic, and are unlikely to support a regional strategy of confronting Tehran, much less take the lead in promoting one. Even before Egypt and Tunisia, the anti-Iran camp had suffered major setbacks in Lebanon and Iraq. Events in Bahrain, Jordan and elsewhere suggest that Arab leaders pressing hardest to confront Iran are in deep trouble.
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But whatever its current state of progress, Iran’s nuclear development is simply not a priority for the newly empowered Arab public, and more accountable Arab governments are likely to distance themselves from Washington’s regional strategy, pretty much as Turkey has done. That’s precisely why so many US and Israeli observers paint the Arab rebellion as a win for Iran. But that conclusion is based on the flawed premise that a setback for the United States is automatically a gain for Iran. The Arab declaration of independence from Washington is anything but a declaration of loyalty to Tehran. Turkey may have built new trade and diplomatic ties with Tehran and opposed the US policy on Iran, but it has not broken ties with Washington. Its policies are genuinely independent, geared towards resolving problems rather than power bloc politics.