Weekly Reads/Watch:
- News: Iran envoy: Tehran might sign NPT protocol allowing snap inspections [...]]]>Weekly Reads/Watch:
Jennifer Rubin/Sen. Joe Lieberman, Washington Post: The militantly pro-Israel blogger who constantly criticizes President Obama for not going to war with Iran paraphrases Senator Joe Lieberman’s (I-CT) related comments from an interview:
He acknowledges the concern that if talks drag out Iran will conclude we are unserious and will continue full steam ahead with its nuclear weapons program. So how do we prevent the rope-a-dope game? Lieberman begins with the premise that if Iran “is approaching a nuclear weapons capability, then we have to act militarily” unless Iran in essence surrenders its program. “They should never feel we are turning down economic and diplomatic pressure” while talking,” he says.
In this he thinks Congress has a role. Either by passing a resolution explicitly opposing a “containment” strategy or by adding “another layer of sanctions,” he contends, it is vital for Congress to act before the May 23 talks. That, he believes, is the only way to convey American resolve.
A resolution opposing containment essentially commits the U.S. to war with Iran as Paul Pillar has pointed out and yet Lieberman is pushing for Congress to act prior to the next round of talks. Why?
H.R.4485 and H.RES.630: Lara Friedman of Americans for Peace Now points out a new bill preparing the U.S. for a military attack on Iran and a resolution supporting an Israeli attack:
H.R.448: L Latest Title: To further the preparedness of the United States Armed Forces, in cooperation with regional allies, to prevent the Government of Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon, and for other purposes.
Sponsor: Rep Conaway, K. Michael [TX-11] (introduced 4/24/2012) Cosponsors (None)
Latest Major Action: 4/24/2012 Referred to House committee. Status: Referred to the Committee on Armed Services, and in addition to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned.H.RES.630: Latest Title: Expressing support for Israel and its right to self-defense against the illegal nuclear program by the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Sponsor: Rep Gosar, Paul A. [AZ-1] (introduced 4/24/2012) Cosponsors (None)
Latest Major Action: 4/24/2012 Referred to House committee. Status: Referred to the House Committee on Foreign Affairs.
Reuel Marc Gerecht, Weekly Standard: The Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD) fellow expresses his concern for Israel’s decreased chances of attacking Iran while talks are in process and advises the Israelis to not feel fettered:
There is certainly a risk that continuing these negotiations puts Israeli prime minister Bibi Netanyahu and defense minister Ehud Barak into a real pickle, since it’s more difficult for the Israelis to make the case for bombing Iran’s nuclear sites while the negotiations are going on. Nonetheless, the Israelis need to decide whether a preventive attack on the Islamic Republic can work. Their internal deliberations should not be constrained by a false promise of a diplomatic solution. Moving forward with negotiations now is actually more likely to free the Israelis to act in the summer, if they choose to, than to entrap them.
Jeremy Gimpel, The Land of Israel: Think Progress’s Ali Gharib reports on the hawkish views of one of the founders of a pro-Israel advocacy group that’s spreading alarmist videos about Iran while pushing for an Israeli strike. “The Land of Israel” is funded by the Islamophobic Clarion Fund and features Mitt Romney adviser, Walid Phares in one of its productions. Writes Gharib:
Confronted with the differences between stopping and delaying Iranian nuclear progress, Gimpel said he hoped an attack would result in a delay long enough for regime change in Tehran. If that didn’t work, he said, “Israel will do what it has to do. If it means (striking) every five years, they that’s what they’ll do.”
Gimpel rejected the notion that he was building a case for war. “What I’m doing is building a case for peace,” he said. “What I’m saying is that there will never be peace if Iran has a nuclear bomb.” But he rejected a diplomatic solution to the Iranian nuclear crisis, declaring, “I think the negotiations are wasting our time.”
John Lehman, Wall Street Journal: While citing “rogue states like Iran” as a threat, the Mitt Romney senior adviser advocates for a ramped up U.S. navy:
]]>So how is the Obama administration getting to a 300-ship Navy? It projects a huge increase in naval shipbuilding beginning years down the road, most of which would come after a second Obama term. In other words, the administration is radically cutting the size and strength of the Navy now, while trying to avoid accountability by assuming that a future president will find the means to fix the problem in the future.
This compromises our national security. The Navy is the foundation of America’s economic and political presence in the world. Other nations, like China, Russia, North Korea and Iran, are watching what we do—and on the basis of the evidence, they are undoubtedly concluding that under Mr. Obama America is declining in power and resolution.
As more information emerges about Mitt Romney’s foreign policy adviser Walid Phares, Romney’s campaign, no doubt, will face increasing scrutiny over their decision to hire the outspoken anti-Muslim advocate. But potentially even more concerning than Phares’ ties to the anti-Muslim far-right in the U.S. are [...]]]>
As more information emerges about Mitt Romney’s foreign policy adviser Walid Phares, Romney’s campaign, no doubt, will face increasing scrutiny over their decision to hire the outspoken anti-Muslim advocate. But potentially even more concerning than Phares’ ties to the anti-Muslim far-right in the U.S. are the allegations — outlined in Adam Serwer’s profile of Phares — that the now-Romney adviser was one of the chief ideologists in the Lebanese Forces, a Lebanese Christian militia that committed atrocities during Lebanon’s civil war.
How Romney and his campaign will respond to the newly publicized facts that one of their top foreign policy advisers — indeed a former associate of Phares’ told Serwer that Romney “promised Phares a high-ranking White House job helping craft U.S. policy in the Middle East” — used Christian-sectarian ideology to justify the mass slaughter during the Lebanese civil war.
But Romney has called for the firing of public officials for far less than participating in war atrocities.
Romney said he would fire Obama adviser David Plouffe for comments saying Americans won’t vote based based on the employment rate. Romney said:
If David Plouffe were working for me, I would fire him and then he could experience firsthand the pain of unemployment,”
Romney called upon his GOP rival, Gov. Rick Perry, to “repudiate” anti-Mormon comments made by Perry supporter Dr. Robert Jeffress.
And in a September GOP debate, Romney said that if president he would fire Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke for his failure to resuscitate the U.S. economy. Romney said:
I’d be looking for somebody new. I think Ben Bernanke has overinflated the amount of currency that he’s created. QE 2 did not work, it did not get Americans back to work, it did not get the economy going again … We’re growing now at 1 to 1 and a half percent.
Romney and his campaign have a precedent of considering disagreements over monetary policy and electoral policy to be fire-able offenses. And expressing intolerant sentiments about Mormonism is worthy of “repudiation.”
The Romney campaign appears to accept Phares’ public association with the Islamophobic Clarion Fund and anti-Muslim blogger Robert Spencer. But given Romney’s record of calling for the firing of individuals for far less than ties to a violent militia, will he apply the same standard to Walid Phares?
]]>If you cook dinner for a large crowd and manage to flub the execution, mangle the presentation, and poison your guests, you find another hobby, right?
If you [...]]]>
If you cook dinner for a large crowd and manage to flub the execution, mangle the presentation, and poison your guests, you find another hobby, right?
If you so much as considered answering “yes” to that question, congratulations: you’re not a neoconservative. Hash, you see, springs eternal from the neocon breast, so no amount of injury to others or humiliation to oneself – indeed, not even removal from the kitchen – can silence them for long, if at all.
Examples unfortunately abound, but today’s shaman of shamelessness is Walid Phares, whose latest drivel in the Wall Street Journal (“Prosecute Hezbollah”, November 9) would make history’s top propagandists proud. Phares, who not only admits but actually boasts that he is part of the neocon Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, simply cannot be taken seriously as a voice for anything but Israel and its apologists, but it’s the opinion pages of the Journal, so there you have it. As the sub-headline — “There is no hope for Lebanon unless the UN and the West will enforce the tribunal’s findings on the Hariri assassination” — would have us believe, the article itself purports to explain the need for assertiveness in defense of justice.
Down through the ages, propagandists of all bents have viewed their craft as a forgiving one because even when they’re wrong, they can still be right – so long as a sufficient proportion of the audience remains unaware of (or unconcerned by) their errors/lies. Here Phares is at his very best, or worst depending on one’s perspective, mixing fact and fiction with glorious abandon. A partial dissection follows.
The headline of the piece gives away its author’s intention to stir the pot, flouting as it does the very assurance of Hezbollah’s domestic rivals in Lebanon that even if some of its members are indicted in the 2005 bombing that killed former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri and almost two dozen others, the party itself will not be on trial. The subhead, of course, is just there to create a subliminal impression that a court (which has yet to issue an indictment despite five years of investigation) already has arrived at “findings” linking Hezbollah to an assassination.
The opening sentence gets right to the point that whoever is indicted will ipso factobe the guilty party, perhaps dispensing with all the time and money that would have to be wasted on a trial. The next one treats as a given the by-now familiar misidentification of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) as an “international” court, even though it single-largest contingent of jurists is Lebanese, and asserts – on the basis of absolutely no public evidence whatsoever from anyone, anywhere – that “Hezbollah features prominently” in the assassination.
The first course is a bowl of traditional guilt-by-association tying Hezbollah to Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, accompanied by an artful insinuation that Tehran has tried to intimidate the court, and garnished with a dollop of old-fashioned bitters, belittling Hezbollah and its members as “minions” of a foreign power. Next to be dished out are complaints that Hezbollah and its most important backers, Iran and Syria (“Axis of Evil” is taken; how about “Triumvirate of Trouble”?) have “threatened” the Lebanese government – of which Hezbollah is a part – by indicating, naturally enough, that they will resist any attempt by the STL to serve as a stalking horse for Israel by unsaddling the only contestant who has ever got the better of the Israeli military.
This is followed by a generous but unsophisticated helping of sleight-of-hand, as Hezbollah is credited with fulfilling its threats. How do we know? Because a number of “anti-Hezbollah lawmakers and journalists” were attacked and “several anti-Syrian neighborhoods” were bombed “[b]etween July and December 2005”. Multiple misfortunes befall this dish: Hezbollah didn’t threaten those people or those neighborhoods; the attacks began in late 2004, not mid-2005; and several of the victims – not to mention countless residents of the neighborhoods – were anything but “anti-Hezbollah”.
The next plate features Hezbollah’s leader, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, skewered as a liar who in 2006 “claimed he was negotiating with Lebanon’s leaders to surrender his weapons, only to trigger a devastating war with Israel”. History records that Nasrallah’s party did, in fact, discuss what was to be done with its arsenal – retained after the 1975-1990 civil war because its mission was to deter and/or resist Israeli adventurism rather than to battle other sectarian militias – with its counterparts. It also makes plain that while Hezbollah did carry out a cross-border ambush of an Israeli patrol, in keeping with a long-stated policy of obtaining bargaining chips to gain the release of hundreds of Lebanese and Palestinian detainees, it had no reason to even suspect, based on previous experience, that the response would be an all-out war, with emphasis on women and children. The sauce on all this is a thin presumption that, following the war, Hezbollah proceeded to kill several more Lebanese politicians, including at least two whose deaths are widely presumed to have been ordered by rivals within their own pro-Western camp.
The main course consists of an assertion that conviction in the Hariri case would cripple Hezbollah and ruin “the image it cultivates as a legitimate resistance movement”. Given Phares’s own record of having opposed Hezbollah even in the 1990s, when Israeli occupation forces were recruiting reluctant collaborators by kidnapping and raping their sisters, he is hardly qualified to predict such a verdict, let alone to render one. In any event, the STL could convict Hezbollah and its entire leadership of every crime conceivable, and it wouldn’t amount to a hiccup because the group’s supporters are convinced – not without reason – that the court is stacked against them.
There is more before dessert, but none of it merits mention except to note that the truth is generally on the side and often left altogether off the table.
The sweet stuff at the end, however, is one to remember. Here Phares closes with a flourish by declaring: “When the Special Tribunal issues its final verdict, let’s hope for Lebanon and the region’s sake that the UN and the West [i.e. the Security Council and the United States] will have the courage to enforce the prosecutors’ findings”. Having been prepared in a latrine rather than a kitchen, it is no surprise that this one fails the smell test with gusto.
In various permutations, “the UN and the West” have made a meal of Lebanon and the rest of the Middle East for generations. More importantly, the whole concept of a trial is intended to thoroughly test the prosecutors’ claims (not their “findings” – that’s for the judges) in order to avoid even the appearance of a rush to judgment or any other miscarriage of justice. Which proposition is more disturbing – that Dr. Phares really has no idea how criminal trial procedures work, or that he will be fully sated if this case is already cooked?
Marc J. Sirois is an independent analyst based in Beirut, where he was managing editor of The Daily Star newspaper from 2000-2003 and 2006-2009.
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